Antigonus-UN GENERAL DE TOP !

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Antigonus the One-eyed (382 – 301 BC), son of Philip from Elimeia, was a Macedonian nobleman, general, satrap, and king. During the first half of his life he served under Philip II; after Philip's death in 336 BC, he served Philip's son Alexander. He was a major figure in the Wars of the Diadochi after Alexander's death, declaring himself king in 306 BC and establishing the Antigonid dynasty.

Not much is known about Antigonus' early career. He must have been an important figure in the Macedonian Army because when he emerges in historical sources he is in command of a large part of Alexander's army (Antigonus commanded Alexander's 7,000 allied Greek infantry). There is a story in Plutarch about an Antigonus who lost an eye at the Siege of Perinthos (340 BC) when he was struck by a catapult bolt. Since Antigonus was of the same age as Philip, and a nobleman, he almost certainly must have served during Philip’s campaigns. He might even have served under Philip’s brothers (Alexander II and Perdiccas III).

In 334 BC, Antigonus must have participated in the battle of the Granicus since he commanded a division of the army, and Alexander's entire army was at the Granicus. When Alexander marched east he appointed Antigonus as governor of Phrygia. After the Battle of Issus, he succeeded the Achaemenid satrap of Greater Phrygia Atizyes, who died in the battle. Antigonus successfully performed his primary responsibility: to defend Alexander's lines of supply and communication during the latter's extended campaign against the Achaemenid Persian Empire. Following Alexander's victory at Issus, part of the Persian army regrouped in Cappadocia and attempted to sever Alexander's lines of supply and communication running through the centre of Asia Minor; however, Antigonus defeated the Persian forces in three separate battles. After defeating the Persian counter-attack, Antigonus focused on conquering the rest of Phrygia and maintaining Alexander's lines of communication and supply.

At the division of the provinces (the so-called Partition of Babylon) after Alexander's death in 323 BC, Antigonus had his authority over Phrygia, Lycaonia, Pamphylia, Lycia and western Pisidia confirmed by Perdiccas, the regent of the empire. However, he incurred the enmity of Perdiccas by refusing to assist Eumenes to obtain possession of the provinces allotted to him; Paphlagonia and Cappadocia. Leonnatus had left with his army for Greece, leaving Antigonus alone to deal with Cappadocia, a task he apparently could not or would not complete without additional aid. Perdiccas seems to have viewed this as a direct affront to his authority and led the royal army to conquer the area. From there Perdiccas turned west towards Phrygia in order to humble Antigonus, who escaped with his son Demetrius to Greece, where he obtained the favour of Antipater, the viceroy of Macedonia (321 BC), and Craterus, one of Alexander’s top generals. During the First War of the Diadochi, he formed a coalition with Antipater, Craterus and Ptolemy. In 320 BC, Antigonus sailed to and secured Cyprus. The war ended in 320 BC when Perdiccas was murdered by discontented officers (Seleucus and Antigenes) while unsuccessfully trying to invade Ptolemy's satrapy of Egypt.

When Antipater died in 319 BC, he left the regentship to Polyperchon, excluding Cassander, his son. Antigonus and the other dynasts refused to recognize Polyperchon, since it would have undermined their own ambitions. Antigonus entered into negotiations with Eumenes, but Eumenes had already been swayed by Polyperchon, who gave him authority over all other generals within the empire. Affecting his escape from Nora through trickery, Eumenes raised a small army and fled south into Cilicia. Antigonus did not move against Eumenes directly because he was tied up in northwestern Asia Minor campaigning against Cleitus the White who had a large fleet at the Hellespont.

Cleitus was able to defeat Antigonus's admiral Nicanor in a sea battle but he was caught off guard the next morning when Antigonus and Nicanor launched a double assault by land and sea on his camp, Cleitus was taken completely by surprise and his entire force was captured or killed. Meanwhile, Eumenes had taken control of Cilicia, Syria and Phoenicia, he had formed an alliance with Antigenes and Teutamos, the commanders of the Silver Shields and the Hypaspists, and began to raise a naval force on behalf of Polyperchon. When it was ready he sent the fleet west to reinforce Polyperchon, but off the coast of Cilicia it was met by Antigonus’s fleet and changed sides. Antigonus had settled his affairs in Asia Minor and marched east into Cilicia intent on doing battle with Eumenes in Syria. Eumenes somehow had advance knowledge of this and marched out of Phoenica, through Syria into Mesopotamia, with the idea of gathering support in the upper satrapies.

Eumenes gained the support of Amphimachos, the satrap of Mesopotamia, then marched his army into Northern Babylonia, where he put them into winter quarters. During the winter he negotiated with Seleucus, the satrap of Babylonia, and Pheiton Karteau, the satrap of Media, seeking their help against Antigonus. Antigonus, finding out Eumenes had left his provinces, took some time securing Cilicia and northern Syria before he marched into Mesopotamia. Unable to sway Seleucus and Pheiton, Eumenes had left his winter quarters early and marched on Susa, a major royal treasury, in Susiana. In Susa, Eumenes sent letters to all the satraps to the north and east of Susiana, ordering them in the kings' names to join him with all their forces. When the satraps joined Eumenes he had a considerable force, with which he could look forward with some confidence to doing battle against Antigonus. Eumenes then marched southeastwards into Persia, where he picked up additional reinforcements Antigonus, meanwhile, had reached Susa and left Seleucus there to besiege the place, while he himself marched after Eumenes. At the river Kopratas, Eumenes surprised Antigonus during the crossing of the river and killed of captured 4,000 of his men. Antigonus, faced with disaster, decided to abandon the crossing and turned back northward, marching up into Media, threatening the upper satrapies. Eumenes wanted to march westward, and cut Antigonus's lines of supply, but the satraps refused to abandon their satrapies and forced Eumenes to stay in the east. In the late summer of 316 BC, Antigonus moved southward again in the hope of bringing Eumenes to battle and ending the war quickly. Eventually the two armies in southern Media and fought in the indecisive battle of Paraitakene. Antigonus, whose casualties were more numerous, force marched his army to safety the next night.

During the winter of 316–315 BC, Antigonus tried to surprise Eumenes in Persia by marching his army across a desert and catching his enemy off guard, unfortunately, he was observed by some locals who reported it to his opponents. A few days later both armies drew up for battle. The battle of Gabiene was as indecisive as previous the previous battle at Parataikene. According to Plutarch and Diodorus, Eumenes had won the battle but lost control of his army's baggage camp thanks to his ally Peucestas' duplicity or incompetence. This baggage also included all the loot of the Silver Shields (treasure accumulated over 30 years of successful warfare; it contained not only gold, silver, gems and other booty but also the soldiers' women and children) and they wanted it back. Antigonus responded to a request for the return of the baggage train sent by Teutamus, one of their commanders, by demanding they give him Eumenes, the Silver Shields complied, arrested Eumenes and his officers and handed them over. The war was thus at an end. Eumenes was placed under guard while Antigonus held a council to pondered his fate. Antigonus was disinclined to kill Eumenes, in this he was backed up by his son Demetrius, but most of the council insisted he execute Eumenes and so it was decided.

As a result, Antigonus now was in possession of the empire's Asian territories, his authority stretching from the eastern satrapies to Syria and Asia Minor in the west. He seized the treasuries at Susa and entered Babylon. The governor of Babylon, Seleucus, fled to Ptolemy and entered into a league with him, Lysimachus and Cassander.

In 314 BC, Antigonus received envoys from the allied dynasts Ptolemy, Cassander and Lysimachus who demanded he cede Cappadocia and Lycia to Cassander, Hellespontine Phrygia to Lysimachus, Phoenicia and Syria to Ptolemy, and Babylonia to Seleucus, and that he should share the treasure he had accumulated. His only answer was to advise the dynasts to be ready for war. Antigonus sent Aristodemus with a 1,000 talents to the Peloponnesus to raise an army there and also to make an alliance with his old enemy Polyperchon, he and Polyperhon were then to make war on Cassander, he sent an army under his nephew Polemaios through Cappadocia to the Hellespont to keep Cassander and Lysimachus from invading Asia Minor, he himself invaded Phoenicia which was under Ptolemy's control, and besieged Tyre. The siege of Tyre took a year, and after securing Phoenicia he marched his main army into Asia Minor intent on taking out Asander (satrap of Lydia and Caria, and ally to Ptolemy and Cassander), leaving the defence of Syria and Phoenicia to his oldest son Demetrius.

In 312 BC, Antigonus captured Lydia and all of Caria, and drove off Asander, he then sent his nephews Telesphorus and Polemaios against Cassander in Greece. While Antigonus was engaged in the west, Ptolemy took advantage of the situation and invaded from the south. He met Demetrius's forces at the battle of Gaza where Ptolemy won a stunning victory. After the battle, Seleucus, who was fighting for Ptolemy, made his way back to Babylonia, and soon established control over his old satrapy and went on to secure the eastern provinces against Antigonus. Seleucus's conquest led to the Babylonian War, during which Seleucus defeated both Demetrius and Antigonus, and secured control over the eastern provinces. After the Babylonian War, which lasted from 315 BC to 311 BC, a peace was concluded between Antigonus and Seleucus leaving them both to consolidate their power in their respective realms (Antigonus in the West and Seleucus in the East).

In the West, Antigonus had worn down his enemies and forced a peace upon them. By this peace he had attained the zenith of his power. Antigonus' empire and alliance system now comprised: Greece, Asia Minor, Syria, Phoenicia and northern Mesopotamia.

The peace agreement was soon violated by Ptolemy and Cassander based on the pretext that garrisons had been placed in some of the free Greek cities by Antigonus. Ptolemy and Cassander renewed hostilities against Antigonus. Demetrius Poliorcetes, the son of Antigonus, wrested part of Greece from Cassander.

In 306 BC, Philip, Antigonus’s youngest son, died a premature death, aged about 26–28. This was a severe blow to Antigonus, who not only lost a son, but also a general who might have been of the greatest value to him in the campaigns to come.

After defeating Ptolemy at the naval Battle of Salamis in 306 BC, Demetrius conquered Cyprus. Following that victory Antigonus assumed the title of king and bestowed the same upon his son. This was effectively a declaration by Antigonus that he now was independent from the empire. The other dynasts, Cassander, Ptolemy, Lysimachus and Seleucus, soon followed Antigonus' lead and declared themselves to be kings.

Antigonus now prepared a large army and a formidable fleet, the command of which he gave to Demetrius, and hastened to attack Ptolemy in his own dominions. His invasion of Egypt, however, proved a failure as he was unable to penetrate Ptolemy's defences and was obliged to retire, although he inflicted heavy losses on Ptolemy.

In 305 BC, Demetrius attempted the reduction of Rhodes, which had refused to assist Antigonus against Egypt. The siege of Rhodes lasted a year and ended in 304 BC when Demetrius, meeting with obstinate resistance, was obliged to make a peace treaty upon the terms that the Rhodians would build ships for Antigonus and aid him against any enemy except for Ptolemy, on whom they bestowed the title Soter (savior) for his aid during the lengthy siege.

The most powerful dynasts of the empire, now kings in their own right, Cassander, Seleucus, Ptolemy and Lysimachus, responded to Antigonus' successes by allying with each other, often through marriage. Antigonus soon found himself at war with all four, largely because his territory shared borders with each of them. At one point, Antigonus had Cassander in a difficult position, having gained the support of the Greeks and defeating Cassander repeatedly, Antigonus demanded from Cassander the unconditional submission of Macedonia. Seleucus, Lysimachus and Ptolemy responded by joining forces and attacking him. Lysimachus and Cassander's general Prepelaos invaded Asia Minor from Thrace, crossing the Hellespont. Lysimachus had soon secured most of the Ionian cities. Meanwhile, Seleucus was marching through Mesopotamia and Cappadocia. Antigonus was obliged to recall Demetrius from Greece, where his son had recently had an indecisive encounter with Cassander in Thessaly. Now Antigonus and Demetrius moved against Lysimachus and Prepelaos.

However, the army of Antigonus and Demetrius was defeated by the united forces of Seleucus, Lysimachus and Prepelaos at the decisive Battle of Ipsus in 301 BC. Antigonus died in the battle after being struck by a javelin, in the eighty-first year of his life. Prior to Ipsus, he had never lost a battle. With his death, any plans for reuniting Alexander's empire came to an end. Antigonus' kingdom was divided up, with most of his territories ending up in the hands of the new kingdoms ruled by Lysimachus and Seleucus. The victors largely followed Antigonus' precedent and had themselves named as kings, but they did not claim power over the erstwhile empire of Alexander nor each other. Instead, these kings established a troubled (and in the end failed) modus vivendi with each other, and accepted their kingdoms as separate realms.

Meanwhile, Antigonus' surviving son Demetrius took control of Macedonia in 294 BC. Antigonus' descendants held this possession, off and on, until it was conquered by the Roman Republic after the Battle of Pydna in 168 BC.

Mircea Cel Batran ! Partea-1!

1-23-Septembrie-1386-Noiembrie-1394

2-Ianuarie-1397-31-Iunie 1416.

 

3-Fiul lui Radu-1.

4-Dan-1-fratele lui si un dusman foarte mare al sau .

5-Pastreaza o relatie de respect cu Polonia !

6-Gaseste Tara-Romaneasca  in mijlocul unei lupte dintre Tarile-Crestine puternice si Imperiul-Otoman .

         

           1-Ungaria si Polonia in plina expansiune .

           

           2-Imperiul Otoman in plina expansiune .

7-Il pune pe Fiul cel Mare-Mihail alaturi de el la conducere!

8-Pe celalalt Fiu al sau -Vlad-2 il pune la conducerea armatei de la Dunare .

9-Intareste enorm economia TARI-ROMANESTI .

 

           1-Comertul este dezvoltat si permite schimburi chair si cu Imperiul-Otoman .

         

10-Pune ordine in sfatul-boieresc .

           

           1-Aduce oameni de onoare si buni strategi .

11-Organizeaza armata !

            

            1-Oastea cea mare formata din popor .

     

             2-Oastea cea mica-prima care intra in lupta ,in general formata din cavalerie !

                

                              1-Nobilimea tanara sau mercenari de top .

              

Batalia de la Callinicus -171-I-HR!

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The Battle of Callinicus was fought in 171 BC between the Kingdom of Macedon and the Roman Republic near a hill called Callinicus, close to the Roman camp at Tripolis Larisaia, five kilometres north of Larissa, the capital of Thessaly. It was fought during the first year of the Third Macedonian War (171-168 BC). The Macedonians were led by their king, Perseus of Macedon, while the Roman force was led by the consul Publius Licinius Crassus. The Macedonians were supported by Cotys IV, the king of the Odrysian kingdom (the largest state in Thrace) and his forces, Cretan mercenaries, and auxiliaries of mixed nationalities. The Romans had their Italian allies with them and were supported by soldiers provided by Eumenes II of Pergamon, as well as a force of Thessalian cavalry and Greek allies. The battle saw the deployment of troops with cavalry intermixed with light infantry. Although the battle was actually inconclusive because Perseus withdrew before it came to a conclusion, it was considered a Macedonian victory because the Romans suffered heavy casualties.

The battle was started by the slingers and the javelin throwers. The Thracians then launched a furious charge against the Italian cavalry, which was thrown into disorder. Perseus charged with the centre, dislodged the Greek troops and pushed them back. The Thessalian cavalry, which had been kept in reserve, formed a junction with the troops of Eumenes II at the rear, keeping their ranks unbroken and affording a safe retreat for the disorderly flight of the Italian cavalry. The enemy started slacking and the Thessalians ventured forward to protect the fugitive foot soldiers. The king's troops had become spread out in their pursuit of fugitives did not try to come close to the enemy which was advancing in compact formation. The Macedonian phalanx now advanced without having been ordered to do so by Perseus. The Roman heavy infantry came out of the camp. On seeing it advancing, Euander, the commander of the Cretans, advised Perseus that continuing the battle was an unnecessary risk. The king decided to withdraw.

The Romans lost 200 cavalry and 2,000 infantry and 600 of them were captured. The Macedonians lost 20 cavalry and 40 infantry. Although the battle was actually inconclusive because of Perseus' decision to withdraw rather than bringing it to a conclusion, it was considered a Macedonian victory because of the heavy casualties of the Romans and the light ones of the Macedonians.

Eumenes II urged the consul to move the camp of the other bank of the river to get the protection of that watercourse. The camp was moved that night. Perseus returned the next day for another battle, but when he saw that the Roman camp was safe on the other side of the river, he felt that he had been wrong not to continue the battle and to have remained inactive during the night. As a result, he had not been able to prevent the Romans crossing of the river and thus failed to wipe out the enemy. The Roman misfortune was blamed on the Aetolian contingent, which panicked, causing the flight of the whole of the Greek wing, which followed the example of the Aetolians. Five Aetolian officers who were said to have been the first to run away were sent to Rome. The Thessalians were rewarded for their bravery.

The battle did not make much of a difference to the course the first year of the war. The campaign came to a stalemate. Perseus offered peace terms, but Publius Licinius rejected the offer. The consul's focus seemed to be on harvesting the local corn to feed his troops. He moved from the north of Larissa to its south-east (to Crannon, modern Krannonas) for this purpose. Then he moved northwards, toward Macedon and harvested corn again. Perseus carried out some attacks, but these did not amount to more than skirmishes. When he lost one of these skirmishes he left northern Thessaly and returned to Macedon. As winter was approaching he sent his troops to winter camps. After Perseus left, Publius Licinius tried to take a town in the Vale of Tempe, a gorge between Thessaly and Macedon which was the passage between the two states. However, he gave up because it was well fortified. He seized a few towns in the area and returned to his camp.

Batalia de la Adrianople (324 AD)

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The Battle of Adrianople (324 AD)

Constantine had, in a previous war (in 316 AD), defeated Licinius at the Battle of Cibalae and conquered from him all the Balkan Peninsula, with the exception of Thrace. A peace had been arranged but the relationship between the two emperors remained uneasy. By 324 Constantine was ready to renew the conflict and when his army, in pursuit of a raiding Visigothic, or possibly Sarmatian, force, crossed into Licinius' territory an opportune casus belli was created. The reaction of Licinius to this incursion was overtly hostile and this induced Constantine to go on to the offensive. Constantine invaded Thrace in force; his army was smaller than that of Licinius, but it contained many battle-hardened veterans and, as he had control of the Illyrian region, the finest quality of new recruits.

Licinius encamped his army in a strong position near Adrianople (Hadrianopolis), the major city of inland Thrace. Constantine advanced eastward from Thessalonica until he came to the Hebrus River, on which Adrianople stands, and set up his own camp. Licinius arranged his defensive line, of 200 stades in length, in a strong position between a height overlooking the town and the confluence of the Hebrus with a tributary. The two armies remained in position for a number of days before battle was finally joined, when Constantine took the initiative by crossing the river against a well-prepared and positioned enemy having superior numbers.

Constantine used a ruse to get his troops across the Hebrus. Having noticed a suitable crossing point where the river narrowed and was overlooked by a wooded hillside, he ordered material and ropes to be conspicuously assembled at another place on the river, well away from his chosen crossing, to give the impression that he intended to build a bridge to cross there. On the wooded hillside, he secretly assembled 5,000 foot archers and a force of cavalry. He then led his cavalry over the river crossing at the narrows, and fell on the enemy unexpectedly. The surprise attack was a complete success and the remainder of his army then crossed at the same point. With his position on the river outflanked, Licinius' withdrew his forces and took up a defensive position on higher ground. However, this gave Constantine the initiative once more, and his attack was again successful. What followed, in the words of the historian Zosimus, was "a great massacre": Licinius' army, according to Zosimus, received losses of 34,000 dead.

During the onslaught, Constantine directed the guard of his Christian standard, the labarum, to move it to any part of the field where his troops seemed to be faltering. The appearance of this talisman emboldened his own troops and dismayed those of Licinius. Constantine, who had been slightly wounded in the thigh, halted his attack at sunset and darkness allowed Licinius and the remains of his force to withdraw to Byzantium, the coast, and the safety of his fleet. The battle was one of the largest of the 4th century. Zosimus describes Constantine personally leading the cavalry charge which broke Licinus' defences and attributes the success of the Constantinian forces to the courage and martial prowess of Constantine himself. Other contemporary accounts. however, ascribe success to the discipline of the troops and Constantine's felicitas, his 'good fortune'.

Constantine's effort to start a civil conflict proved successful, as did his campaign against Licinius. Following the battle at Adrianople, Constantine moved to besiege Byzantium. At this point in the campaign, control of the narrow waters separating Thrace and Asia Minor became of the utmost importance to both emperors. Constantine's son Crispus commanded his navy in a struggle with the larger fleet of Licinius. Following Crispus' naval victory in the waters of the Hellespont, Constantine crossed with his army into Bithynia. He met Licinius' army in the final battle of the war at Chrysopolis on the Asiatic shore of the Bosporus. Constantine won an overwhelming victory. Initially, yielding to the pleas of his sister Constantia, Constantine spared the life of his brother-in-law, but some months later he ordered his execution, thereby breaking his solemn oath. Licinius was suspected of treasonable actions and the army command pressed for his execution. A year later, Constantine's nephew the younger Licinius also fell victim to the emperor's anger or suspicions. Constantine the Great became the first man to be master of the entire Roman world since the elevation of Maximian as co-emperor by Diocletian in 286.

BASARAB-1!-PARTEA-2

 1-Basarab-1 cere pace Regatului-Maghiar .

          1-Plateste tribut-7000 galbeni .

2-Basarab-1 incepe atacuri dese asupra trupelor-maghiare care tot  atacau Tara-Romaneasca .

3-Acest lucru duce la Posada-1330 locul in care Basarab arata de ce sunt in stare cand e vorba de acest pamant .

4-Basarab-1 se aliaza cu Noul-Rege-Maghiar-Ludovic -Cel-Mare.

5-1343-1345 incepe contrele contra-Tatarilor .

6-Comertul si agricultura erau vitale pentru economia lui Basarab.

7-Pune baza unei puternice infanteri-care sa reziste mult in lupte .

8-Se baza si noi metode de lupta imprumutate din Tarile-Crestine .

9-Implementase un sistem de spionaj bazat pe trupe amestecate in teritori-straine si rapoarte dese .

10-Basarab aduce aminte de puterea unui popor-unit !

ROMA-ANUL CEL0R 4-IMPARATI!

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3-Acest an a fost teribil pentru Roma-Antica !

Year of the Four Emperors.

While Nero was trying to flee Rome, while Galba was marching east from Hispania, and while Vitellius was being lauded as emperor in Germania, much of the Roman world could have been forgiven for forgetting about the activities of Vespasian in the east. Having landed in Judea and swiftly began capturing the Jewish strongholds, the migration of the refugees to Jerusalem had stoked the divisions there. Still gathering the forces needed to besiege the capital, and content to allow his opponents to stew in the turmoil created by their own divisions, a lull that would follow in the fighting afforded Vespasian the opportunity to make his claim.

Back in Italia, the Senate recognised Otho as emperor on the day of Galba’s murder, saluting him with relief. Although he was ambitious and greedy, he had no record for tyranny or cruelty, and many expected him to be fair. His initial efforts to restore peace were soon thwarted by the news that Vitellius was marching south with half of the Rhine legions. Veterans of the Germanic wars and battle hardened from years on an inhospitable frontier, the legions of Germania were some of the empire’s finest.

Otho was opposed to another civil war, and sent emissaries to Vitellius proposing peace, and offering to marry his daughter, only to be declined. Otho marched north hoping to prevent Vitellius from entering Italia, though was too late, and instead moved to hold him at the Po valley. An initial victory threw one general back, with Otho’s forces now looking to take the initiative. Otho’s staff included Paulinus, who had defeated Boudica in Britannia, though he decided to recall his brother, Titianus, who had been acting as regent in Rome in his absence, to serve as his adjutant.

Titianus wanted to march to Cremona to give battle, against the advice of Paulinus and others, who wanted to await the arrival of more legions. Otho was stationed nearby awaiting news of the battle. Already tired after a long march, the two sides met at the Battle of Bedriacum in April. Otho’s forces had their flank rolled by the German auxiliaries, and quickly retreated to their camp. With around 40,000 men dead on the field, the survivors pledged their loyalty to Vitellius. Rather than attempt to flee and launch a second defence, Otho put an end to the anarchy and committed suicide. He had been emperor for little over three months.

Upon news of Otho’s suicide, the Senate declared Vitellius as emperor. He set out for Rome, though found a sceptical city when he chose the anniversary of the disastrous Battle of Allia, which had pre-empted the Sack of Rome in 390 BC, to take up the office of Pontifex Maximus (head priest). The ill omens were seemingly proved right to the superstitious Romans, and with the throne secured, the gluttonous – or for a more Roman term, Lucullan – Vitellius began holding three banquets a day, driving the treasury close to bankruptcy. As debts arose, money lenders demanding repayment were tortured and executed. Citizens who named Vitellius as heir were murdered, along with their co-heirs, while any possible imperial rivals were lured to the palace and killed.

The paranoia that marked earlier emperors was notched up further now, as they had nought but military support to legitimise them. Conspirators were seen everywhere, and now the role of Princeps seemed available to whoever could summon – or buy – the most soldiers. Previous emperors had used the reliability of the Julio-Claudian bloodline, even though that logic was fundamentally flawed, while the new emperors had no such foundation, no illustrious Augustus to link themselves to. This was evident when the first of three pretenders acting as Nero made a brief play for power during the reign of Vitellius, though he was quickly executed (another would appear during the reign of Titus, and a third some 20 years after Nero’s death during the reign of Domitian).

While Vitellius feasted in Rome, the legions stationed in Egypt, Syria and Judea acclaimed their commander, Vespasian, as emperor. Gaining the support of Syrian governor Mucianus, he set off to Rome while Vespasian headed to Alexander, where he was acclaimed emperor in July, seizing control of the vital grain supply from Egypt. Titus remained in Judea to finish quelling the Jewish Revolt, though he would not move to besiege Jerusalem until the following year. Jerusalem finally surrendered after a seven-month siege, with continued Jewish infighting resulting in them burning their whole food supply. Titus had the second temple destroyed, leaving the Tenth Legion to mop up any remaining rebel strongholds. The last vestiges of the war dragged on until 74 AD, when the legion had to spend months building an earthen ramp to the walls of the impenetrable fortress of Massada. When they stormed the walls, all of the zealots who had been defending it had committed suicide.

Before the forces of Vespasian could reach Rome, the Danube legions also declared him imperator. Led by Primus, they invaded Italia, having already been mobilised to march in support of Otho. Vitellius dispatched his adjutant Caecina north to check this invading army, and he declined to attack the first of Primus’ legions that had arrived in Verona and were awaiting reinforcements. Caecina instead began plotting with the commander of the Ravenna fleet to defect to Vespasian, though his troops refused and imprisoned him instead. Vitellius thus sent Valens north to take command of his army, though he was delayed by illness.

Vitellius’ leaderless army advanced on Cremona, with Primus advancing there with cavalry from his base at Bedriacum. Realising this cavalry skirmish was with the vanguard of the army, Primus summoned his legions in support. The Second Battle of Bedriacum was a hard-fought affair, with Primus’ men beginning to gain the upper hand as it raged on into the night. The battle could have gone either way, with Primus’ own legion losing its eagle at one point, only for a centurion to sacrifice himself retrieving it. As sun rose, the forces of Primus looked to the east and cheered – an adopted local custom from their service in Syria, where people worship the unconquered sun, Sol Invictus. Vitellius’ troops mistakenly took this for them cheering the arrival of Vespasian’s reinforcements, and lost heart. Capturing their camp, Primus then besieged and stormed Cremona itself, sacking the city. He was hugely embarrassed by his troops sacking an Italian town, and forbade the selling of Cremonan slaves , leading to many legionaries to murder them rather than face charges.

Vitellius made a final bid to cling onto power by bribing Senators to his cause, and promising power accordingly. Allied tribes refused to support him, and a delegation including Vestal Virgins were unsuccessful in slowing Primus’ force. He went into hiding and chose to flee, but while collecting his belongings at the palace was caught and killed as Primus’ legions seized Rome for Vespasian, inadvertently burning down the Temple of Jupiter as they forced an entry into the city in spite of determined opposition. Primus found himself effectively the rule of Rome, and was declared Consul by the Senate, though left the city when Mucianus arrived. The Senate acknowledged Vespasian as emperor at the end of December 69 AD. The year had started with Galba as Princeps, with Otho and then Vitellius also rising to the purple.

Rome would finally know a measure of peace and stability. Vespasian would rule for ten years, before dying of natural causes, his dynasty surviving him for a further 17 years, creating the stabilising Flavian dynasty to follow the Julio-Claudians. The actions of Primus in Italia had made Vespasian’s forces deeply unpopular, though he benefitted from promoting the fact that this was done by another acting in his name, and not by he himself. The Flavian propaganda machine was swift to work in legitimising the regime, vilifying Nero and seeking to make the other claimants to the role of Princeps illegitimate. While Vespasian brought much needed stability to the empire, he is perhaps best remembered for his architectural contribution to Rome, initiating several major construction projects including the Flavian Amphitheatre – which today we call the Colosseum.

BASARAB-1!-PRIMA-PARTE !

 1-1310-1352.

2-Il consider intemeietorul TARI-ROMANESTI .

3-Il bate pe Carol de Anyou la Posada-1330.

    1-NICIODATA SA NU POFTESTI LA CE NU E AL TAU !

4-Fiul lui Negru-Radu-Voda .

5-In 1317 incepe un razboi cu nobilimea -maghiara !

6-Ajuta cu arme,soldati si sfaturi Regatul-Bulgar care lupta la Constantinopolul si pe urma Regatul-Maghair .

7-In 1330 il ajuta ar pe Tarul-Bulgar in lupta de la Vilbuza -impotriva Regatului-Maghiar.

8-La inceputul domniei sale era vasalul lui Carol de Anyou.

9-In 1327 era laudat de Tarile-Vecine  pentru modul cum apara Crestinismul .

            1-Bun strateg .

            2-Aduce prosperitate in economie si armata.

10-In 1330 Regele-Ungar incepe lupta cu o puternica armata .

Cel care a fost Menumorat!

 1-Un demn stramos !

2-Un bun conducator militar .

3-Cucereste Bihorul .

4-Intra invingator in Tara-Romaneasca .

5-La inceputul domniei sale daca pot spune asa era aliatul -Regatului-Ungar.

6-Vazand puterea armatei-maghiare se retrage cu armata sa in munti preferand lupta de gherila !

7-Incepe tratativele cu Regatul-Maghiar .

8-Imbunatateste comertul cu tarile-vecine !

9-Nu poate atrage de partea sa nici un aliat important in lupta cu Regatul-Maghiar .

10-Un bun  strateg militar si economic .

11-Moare in 851

12-Biharia -cetatea de scaun .

13-Asediul-Zotmarului-o lupta in care tine piept Regatului-Maghiar .

Hannibal in plina decadere-militara si politica ! Partea-2!

 1-Hannibal nu avea experienta navala referitor la ultima lupta condusa !

2-Numai are forta necesara pentru a strange o noua armata !

       2-Toti generali lui de baza au murit .

3-Este persecutat in continu de Roma si aliati acesteia .

4-Nici un Rege sau conducator numai doreste o alinta cu el !

5-Dupa retragerea in Siria pierde orice contact cu Cartagena si mai ales un posibil contact cu vrun dusman al Romei.

6-Totusi in Siria strange o mica garda pentru protectie si care sa il tina la curent cu pericolul Roman !

7-Desi la pamant complet Hannibal in viata ramanea o sursa pe care dusmani Romei se puteau baza .

8-Urmarit de trupele-Romane se retrage in Turcia .

9-In 184-I-HR-Trupele-Romane sunt foarte aproape de locul acestuia .

10-Se sinucide in 183-I-HR!-PRIN OTRAVA .

 \

PERSONAL IL VAD PE HANNIBAL CA AL -DOILEA PERICOL PENTRU ROMA -CARE ERA IN PLINA PUTERE !PRIMUL PENTRU MN A FOST SPARTACUS !

 

Nero si Parthia !

 1-Acest articol este copiat !

2-Istoria ramane pasiunea mea nr -1!

“Nero lost all sense of right and wrong, and listened to flattery with total credulity.”

Nero began planning for war with Parthia in the early years of his reign. His pretext for invasion arrived when Parthian King Vologeses placed his brother Tiridates on the throne of Armenia, a nominally independent buffer state betwixt the two great powers, which was a constant source of strife as each sought to either make it a vassal, or annex it. In 58 AD the general Corbulo advanced on Armenia with several legions, capturing the capital of Artaxata and replacing Tiridates with Tigranes. When Tigranes then expanded into rival territory, Nero was forced to send further legions to defend Armernia and Syria. But Rome’s major military strife would be further west.

In the newly added province of Britannia, when the Iceni King Prasutagus (ruling the client kingdom of modern East Anglia) died, he left his kingdom in his will to his wife. Many client king states operated on the explicit, or implicit, assumption that the state would become a Roman province when the monarch died. This, coupled with Roman patriarchal ideas not accepting women in powerful social positions, meant that the will was ignored by the provincial governor. Instead of the kingdom being passed into the hands of a woman, it was annexed by Rome, with its queen flogged its princesses raped. Now the embittered Iceni looked to rally against Rome in support of their dishonoured queen, Boudica.

In 60 AD, the governor Paulinus was campaigning on the island of Mona (Anglesey), the final strong hold of the Druids, who had been a persistent menace to Rome. Mona proved a unique challenge, defended by a fortified causeway off the Welsh coast, with garrisons either side, and the climate and mountain routes taken to reach it severely restricting the campaigning season there, while also hampering access to supplied. It had previously resulted in the near-destruction of two legions several years previously, and now Paulinus was determined to use his legions to crush the Druids. His absence, however, provided an ideal opportunity for the flames of Boudica’s rebellion to spread.

Boudica’s Iceni were soon joined by the Trinovantes as increasing numbers of Celtic tribes flocked to her cause, seeing this as a real opportunity to expel Rome – just as Arminius had done half a century earlier. They destroyed Camolodunum (Colchester), which had been converted into a Roman colony, before advancing south to the Thames. An ambush saw the under-strength Ninth Legion destroyed on the Suffolk/Essex border (believed to be at either Great Wratting, or Sturmer), while Boudica then attacked the undefended settlements of Londimium and Verulamium (St Albans). Betwixt 70,000 and 80,000 Romans and their Celtic advocates were massacred during Boudica’s rebellion, with many tortured. These losses caused Nero to begin contemplating abandoning the province altogether. It had already proved a yoke for Claudius, consuming far more resources than it provided as resistance continued to drag to legions further in land, and this latest rebellion made it look as if the wild land could never be tamed.

Paulinius had returned, evacuating Londinium prior to its sack before regrouping in the Midlands. He then moved East, and chose an ideal ground where he could field his two legions against the overwhelming number of Celts (some estimates up to a quarter of a million strong). At the Battle of Watling Street (near Norwich, though the precise location has yet to be discovered), he lined up with thick forests to protect his flanks, and prepared to accept the Celtic advance. The forests and narrowing land prevented the Celts from overwhelming the Romans with sheer numbers, as Boudica’s army was forced into a bottleneck against the Roman legions. They were so confident of victory that many of their family and friends gathered on carts behind them to watch the battle.

Roman discipline began to tell, and the legions were at their best in close combat against undisciplined Celts. The legions hacked their way through the advancing Britons, and soon the sheer numbers were to their detriment, as confusion spread betwixt those trying to advance and those attempting to rout. Boudica, leading from her flamboyant war chariot, was unable to rally her army. Soon the spectating family members proved nought but an obstacle to flight, blocking the army’s escape as the legions hacked into their rear. Seeing that the battle was lost and her uprising over, Boudica committed suicide. The hard fought victory persuaded Nero to remain committed to the province, though he adopted a strategy of leniency to the islanders, rather than that of harsh reprisals which Paulinus advocated, and appointed a new governor in Turpilianus.

Having quelled the rebellion in the west, Rome’s attention was soon turned back east. For while the legions under Corbulo had succeeded in Armenia while the Parthians were locked into internal revolts, with those now resolved they were able to turn their attention back to the border. A Romam army under Paetus surrendered under humiliating circumstances, and though both Roman and Parthian forces withdrew from Armenia, it was firmly under the control of the Persians. Corbulo’s triumphal arch was part-built when Parthian envoys arrived in 63 AD to discuss terms, and when the general gathered his legions for a fresh invasion, he was met with delegates. An agreement was reached where Tiridates was recognised as king by Rome, though only if he received his diadem from Nero. As a coronation ceremony in 66 AD, he said “I have come to you, my God, worshipping you as Mithras”, to the emperor, with Nero declared “The New Sun” and “The New Apollo”. A period of peace betwixt Rome and Parthia followed, interrupting the intermittent warfare betwixt the two powers that was to continue for centuries.

In the year of his coronation, revolt broke out in Judea. Anti-taxation protests escalated with attacks on Romans by Jews, to which the governor, Florus, responded by plundering the Second Temple, claiming the money for Nero, launching a raid on Jerusalem the next day. The city’s Roman garrison was quickly overrun, and the pro-Roman King Herod II fled the city, along with imperial officials. The Syrian legate, Gallus, marched south with the Twelfth Legion and auxiliaries, but at the Battle of Beth Horon saw his 6,000 strong force massacred following a Jewish ambush. It looked as if Rome was to be expelled from the land of the Hebrews.

The Judean provisional government was formed, though the Jews were so divided by internal politics that they struggled to form a cohesive opposition to Rome. The diehard Sicarii failed in an attempt to take control of the city, with their leader execution and another peasant leader exiled. Nero assigned the unassuming general Vespasian, the accomplished former legate of the Britannia conquest, the task of crushing the revolt, with his first son Titus as his adjutant. Given four legions and support by Herod, Vespasian invaded Gaelilee in 67 AD, managing a persistent campaign to eradicate rebel strongholds without attacking the fortified city of Jerusalem. Thousands of refugees from these strongholds began to arrive in Jerusalem, further stoking the fires of political turmoil. The internal confrontation led to bloody violence, with the high priest killed in fighting and severe casualties suffered by each faction.

Despite his apparent success in resolving foreign crises, it would be his handling of affairs in Rome that condemned Nero. For Rome would be in flames, and the cost of rebuilding would be crippling for the provinces. This, coupled with his erratic behaviour, soon had provincial governors questioning their loyalty to the divine Julio-Claudian bloodline.